Archive for the ‘ Freedom of Expression ’ Category

Free Speech Debate Proposes 10 Draft Principles, What Will Be No. 11?

The Free Speech Debate has recently proposed ten draft principles, while leaving the 11th (and perhaps further) slot open for – surprise surprise – debate:

  1. We – all human beings – must be free and able to express ourselves, and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas, regardless of frontiers.
  2. We defend the internet and all other forms of communication against illegitimate encroachment of public and private powers.
  3. We require and create open, diverse media so we can make well informed decisions and participate fully in political life.
  4. We seek openly and with civility about all kinds of human difference.
  5. We allow no taboos in the discussion and dissemination of knowledge.
  6. We neither make threats of violence nor accept violent intimidation.
  7. We respect the believer but not necessarily the content of the belief.
  8. We are all entitled to a private life but should accept such scrutiny as in the public interest.
  9. We should be able to counter slurs on our reputations without stifling legitimate debate.
  10. We must be free to challenge all limits of freedom of expression and information justified on such grounds as national security, public order, morality, and the protection of intellectual property.
  11. What is missing? What would you propose? Join the global conversation…

The list and corresponding discussion reminded me of something I posted on this blog a while ago: Blasphemy, Free Speech, and Dangerous Things.
In this post, I argued that due to the nature of discourse, not all “speeches” are equal in the manner that some are more powerful than others. Keeping this in mind, the argument continues, free speech should be treated as part of a bigger whole; society should understand the power that speech hold; and this great freedom/right/privilege/power is productive only when set in a suitable framework (through education, information and media literacy, etc.), which (for example) protects the less-powerful and less-privileged or educates also about the power and dangers that accompany free speech.

In light of this argumentation, this is the proposal I made for principle no. 11:

We acknowledge that free speech is a mean to an end and not an end in itself.

Furthermore, we emphasize that free speech is a right that withholds considerable power. Therefore it should be treated as part of a whole, combined with information and media literacy, access to education, etc.
(See http://drawer20.wordpress.com/2012/10/03/blasphemy-free-speech-and-dangerous-things/)

Do you have other suggestions? Here’s where you can express them!

Blasphemy, Free Speech, and Dangerous Things

„With great freedom, comes great responsibility“
(paraphrasing Spiderman and… Voltaire[1])

During the past few weeks we’ve witnessed violent riots in several Muslim countries, protesting against a film that (to their opinion) insults Mohammed, their prophet.

The discussion of these incidents in western media and politics as well as on social media platforms was a mix of two othering-strategies:
On the one hand occidentalistic (in the post-colonial meaning) opinions and world-views, often including many prejudices about and generalizations of Muslim and/or Arab culture.
On the other hand, there was a clear dissociation from the creators of the film and its content.

For a long time, I found it very hard to constitute my opinion on the matter, until a survey in Germany made me realize that we might be discussing the wrong issue. In the survey, 47% of the participants supported banning the video. That is, 47% chose against blasphemy on the cost of setting (another) precedent for a limitation of free speech.

Freedom of opinion and freedom of speech cannot facilitate themselves

They require (among others!) a society which enables marginal (and sometimes extreme) opinions to be heard but at the same time is also sensitive to the opinions and emotions of others.
The former without the latter is like a “democracy”, in which the majority decides but the rights of the minority are not protected. That is, no democracy.

Free speech isn’t really free if the opinions of the privileged can ascend the opinion of the unprivileged/discriminated. It isn’t free if the privileged can say what they want without considering the consequences for others, less privileged persons.
This applies especially then, when a discourse crosses cultural, national, and geographical borders.

Which brings me to the next question:

Should content, which is published knowing that violent reactions will follow, be treated similar to content that explicitly incite violence (such as hate speech)?
(a similar question was also discussed by Padraig Reidy)

I say no. Maybe because I support radical free speech, maybe because I fear a dystopian future of the kind Ray Bradbury describes in Fahrenheit 451 (a book-less future, where the firemen’s task is to burn libraries together with their owner. A future, which was created gradually by limiting free speech in order to protect the feelings of different groups).

But that still wasn’t the main question. The main question is a meta-question about our society and its free speech. As I said in the beginning:

With great freedoms, comes great responsibility

Our society, especially in western democracies, urgently needs to start reflecting about its alleged free speech. Because granting free speech without educating about the power of speech, its possible consequences (for the self and for others), the respect for other opinions and beliefs etc. is not creating freedom –  it’s creating power without responsibility.

The discussion of the film and its violent results isn’t a discussion about the creators of the film (them) and the participants of the violent riots (again, them).
It’s a discussion about us, about our society.
A society that constantly produces kinds of speech, which cross the line of how to express legitimate criticism and which try to influence (an already problematic) discourse by knowingly inciting disrespectful violence instead of respectful dialog.

Free speech per se isn’t a moral superiority, it’s the way we use it that defines our morals.


[1] Voltaire. Jean, Adrien. Beuchot, Quentin and Miger, Pierre, Auguste. “Œuvres de Voltaire, Volume 48″. Lefèvre, 1832

Comment Speech: Lawful Access Legislation, Its Risks and Why Libraries Must Care

This is my comment speech to the paper “Lawful Access Legislation, Its Risks and Why Libraries Must Care” by Brent Roe and Jeannie Bail, presented on the FAIFE Session “Master of content or How to win the battle over freedom in cyberspace?” at the IFLA 78th Conference in Helsinki:

(Please note that this is a preliminary and summarized version. I might make some adjustments before/during the session and insert it here later on)

The description of the lawful access legislation in the paper has many similarities with the Telecommunications Data Retention legislation in the European Union.

Telecommunications data retention compels ISPs to save all users’ connection-data and locations for a period of (at least) 6 months and grant law enforcement agencies access to this data. In the age of constantly connected cell-phones, a simple cross linking with services like Google Maps and telephone directories is enough to create a complete surveillance apparatus, also if the content of a connection (e.g. of a phone-call) isn’t revealed.[1]

Although the European Commission admitted the regulations to be problematic and couldn’t provide proof for their effectiveness in detection rate or fighting terror, the regulations remain compulsory for all EU members.
In Germany, the Supreme Court declared these regulations unconstitutional due to privacy issues and lifted the legislation. Since then there is a constant debate between the conservatives, who present telecommunications data retention as a magic cure for all social problems, and liberals who oppose it.

However, I don’t perceive such legislations “only” a threat to privacy.
When a person is being watched, or is aware of the possibility that he/she is being watched, there is a chilling effect on free speech and information freedom.
Doesn’t matter if it’s Foucault’s Panopticon, East Germany’s Stasi, or more subtle (but far more effective) online surveillance.

Which brings me to the main question of the paper:
Should libraries care? Should they comment broadly or stick to “their own” concerns?

As the paper explains, libraries could be defined as ISPs and thus obligated to violate their patrons’ privacy, as the situation in the U.S. is.
But I want to approach this question more broadly. Several months ago I argued in an article in the German library journal “Bibliotheksdienst” that yes – libraries should (and even must) care, comment, and act on issues related to information ethics, freedom of expression etc., also if these issues do not (yet) directly affected libraries.
That is, libraries should start looking beyond the library-counter.
I used several examples to discuss this notion: failure to act in the copyrights-problematic (library associations being satisfied with exceptions for libraries), the Trojan-Horse applied by the German government (Staatstrojaner), Telecommunications Data Retention, and WikiLeaks.

Failing to act on such matters until the library practice is affected from them is a failure in fulfilling our code of ethics and social obligation. Furthermore, libraries’ inactivity in regard to such developments is a silent contribution for their success. A contribution for which my generation, today’s “new professionals”, will have to pay the price.
And if libraries think they could continue operate autonomously within a control society or a society in which information, knowledge, and culture are mere commodities that are preserved for the social-privileged – they’re making a bitter mistake.

In addition, the impact on the perception of libraries by the public as institutions that act for civil freedoms and know their way in cyberspace (and not just between bookshelves) is a positive side effect (and should stay only a side effect of our actions).

Beside actions on a political level (such as comments and lobby) libraries also have the task of educating users about (online) privacy, (online) freedoms, and online hazards.
In short – information literacy.
As the examples mentioned in the paper demonstrate, this includes informing users about the impact that certain legislations can have on their personal (and constitutional) freedoms and rights.

In conclusion, there are many hindrances when it comes to privacy, exercise of free speech, and participation in social and political discourses.
From “clicking” over information to private corporations, through artificial exclusion-mechanisms (such as copyrights), and up to invasive state legislations (such as Lawful Access and Telecommunications Data Retention).

If libraries perceive access to information, knowledge, and culture as their true calling, not merely a task that needs to be done, then they should begin to act.


[1] For visualization: the Green-Party politician Malte Spitz gave the press access to his telecommunications data (after taking Telekom to court), which is available as an interactive map: http://www.zeit.de/datenschutz/malte-spitz-vorratsdaten/

The session will soon be made available to watch online. I will add the link subsequently.

How does it feel to protect Nazis’ free speech?

On Thursday, March 29th 2012, the German left-wing party Die Linke called its Facebook fans to report the right-wing party’s, NPD (yes, the Nazis), Facebook page so that it will be removed.

Many did it. I didn’t.

I chose to confront the page operator and followers with the consequences this action has for freedom of expression:
I argued it to be a violation of the NPD’s followers and voters constitutional right of free speech and a contra-productive act.

Many did not agree with me, citing the law against incitement of people (§130 Volksverhetzung).
Some called me a defender of NPD that (ab)uses the free speech argument.
Most of them didn’t even take the time to reflect their actions before rushing to report the page.
A very few supported my opinion.

The (very exciting and interesting!) discussion did end with some consent, namely that this kind of censorship (my words) is contra-productive and that dialog and education are the measures needed.

14:45 The dubious action succeeded. The NPD Facebook page was deleted and so were all its mentions on FB. Including our discussion (and that’s why I can’t quote some brilliant phrases).

Did I say contra-productive? I think I did.

In the following days, calls around FB to report the new NPD page incited similar discussions between friends and me.

So why could (and should) one protect the free speech of Nazis?

There is a motto that I follow in life: “I disapprove of what you say, but I will defend to the death your right to say it” (wrongly associated with Voltaire, but actually written by Evelyn Beatrice Hall about Voltaire’s work).

Following this is sometimes uncomfortable, it’s easy for us to disagree with some opinions, it’s much harder to protect their right to be heard. But when our opinion is rejected, we sill want to be able to speak it up, don’t we?

But they’re Nazis, they evoke incitement of people

Yes, and we mustn’t agree with them. What they say is racist and disgustful, but not illegal.
Saying that “foreigners are … and Jews are … and gays are …” is not illegal. Calling for violence against them is. Calling to get them out of the country isn’t illegal (whether we like it or not).

By the way, saying that “Nazis are… and we should get rid of them” is also legal. Many used this phrase the last couple of days.

Neo-Nazism – i.e. contemporary NPD, the Neue Rechte, or the example of Sarrazin’s book – uses more unobtrusive language, hidden messages and pseudo-scientific and intellectual arguments. This is (amongst others) a result of censorship. The more you ban those people free speech, the ‘better’ they will articulate their racist ideas.

Furthermore, when a person is denied from her right to make an argument, she will only be more stubborn refusing to change her mind, or at least open up for discussion. Just think about it, we all know it from our everyday life.

However, when there is a call for violent acts or an active abuse of a person (e.g. child pornography), I will be the first to support action against it – real world action, not only reporting the page to FB. Because (in contrary to the discussed case) this is no matter of free speech, but rather of sedition.

In heilTunes, I sketched a general framework that can help us deal with extreme cases, such as right-wing extremist content.

§ 130 Volksverhetzung

§ 130 is a very important paragraph. But it is also important to acknowledge its limits, a hard task considering it’s vague formulation.

Ray Bradbury’s Fahrenheit 451 describes a dystopia, where books are burned together with their owners. It wasn’t always like this in Bradbury’s world: first, some books containing incitement against one group were banned, then another one, and another, at some point nothing was allowed to be said or be written anymore. Books and their holders are to be burned.

Besides, if you interpret § 130 as broadly as some people did in our FB-discussion, about 90% of Germany’s population should be in prison.

Nazi-defender

I do not defend Nazi’s. Those who know me, know that my political opinion is far away at the other end of the political spectrum.
But I am a defender of free speech. Everyone’s free speech. Especially of those dissonant tones that deviate from the mainstream discourse.

Having to discuss this with supporters of Die Linke – a party that continuously produces controversial discussions; often needs to fight for its own right for free speech; and whose elected politicians were being “watched” by the German Verfassungschutz (a German intelligence service) – wasn’t something I expected.
Some tried to delegitimize my argument by saying I was comparing Die Linke with NPD. I wasn’t. I was comparing two parties that do not always posses mainstream positions and fight for the freedom to express those opinions.

At the bottom line, it’s not the opinions that are in line with mainstream, which need protection. Dissonant tones, the opinions we don’t always like, the ones we like to hate, the ones that we don’t agree with and are offended by – their right to be expressed is the one that needs defense.

By the way, Noam Chomsky made a similar argument regarding a French holocaust denier.

Slacktivism at its best

This right for freedom of expression applies also to right-wing extremists, as long as they’re playing by the rules.
If you are worried about the circumstances (e.g. adolescent / people of “weak” character / socially outcast being caught by those ideas), then…

START DOING SOMETHING! Invest in education, open opposite discussion-groups, support human-rights organizations, vote for another party…

Pseudo-Activism in form of reporting a FB page will maybe calm your conscious, but is doing more harm then good.

So how does it feel to defend a Nazi’s free speech?

Weird and full of inner conflicts.

I know that Nazis would be happy if I was gone (to another country or completely). Be it due to the choice of my “better half”. Be it due to some genetic coincidence (they won’t care I’m actually an Atheist). Be it due to my accent.

I also know, as one person mentioned during the FB discussion, that the NPD would lift the right of free speech if they could. But it’s still no argument to deny it from them.

Should I defend the rights only of those who accept me? Should I degrade myself to their level and deny them of rights only because I don’t like them? Should I stop reaching out, just because they won’t?

Sorry, I can’t. Also if it means I will be on the first line of defense, protecting their free speech against all chances.

Die Linke often need similar support. Believe me, when it happens you can always find me on the first line of defense as well. And not just because I agree with they’re opinions.

Protecting free speech feels good, no matter what.

Remember, remember, the fifth of November

5. November 1605. Wenn alles planmäßig gelaufen hätte, hätten Guy Fawkes und seine KollegInnen zum Gunpowder Plot es hinbekommen, den englischen Parlament zu sprengen. Das war allerdings nicht der Fall.

Heutzutage werden in Deutschland 100,000 Emails und Datenverbindungen täglich gescannt, analysiert und mitgelesen. 2010 waren es insgesamt 37 Million!

Schlagwörter wie Bombe, Bundestag, Jihad, Atom und weitere schönen Sachen setzen den Überwachungsapparat in gang. Genau die Wörter, die verschiedene Abgeordnete täglich verwenden, um die Bevölkerung einzuschüchtern. Aber im Bundestag herrschen andere Regeln, da braucht man das Wort “Kommunismus“, um vom Verfassungsschutz “beobachtet” zu werden.

Aber anscheinend ist jede und jeder der 82 Million BürgerInnen Deutschlands ein möglicher Guy Fawkes. Jede und jeder plant den Bundestag in die Luft zu jagen. Es ist auch ganz klar, dass alle, die das planen, darüber per Email kommunizieren und es ausdrücklich mit den Wörtern BOMBE, BUNDESTAG und ATOM (und zwar in deutscher Sprache) formulieren.

Aber wenn sogar die europäische Kommission auf zahlreiche Probleme, Mängel und Rechtsverstöße in der Umsetzung der Vorratsdatenspeicherung hinweist und keine Belege für die „Notwendigkeit“ oder den „erfolgreichen“ Einsatz liefern kann, muss man sich überlegen – WARUM werden 100,000 Emails und Datenverbindungen täglich analysiert?

Verwendet da jemand George Orwell’s 1984 als Gebrauchseinleitung der Staatsführung?

Ob die angeblich verfolgten Ziele durch diese Methode wirklich erreicht werden ist nur eine Debatte, viel wichtiger ist aber eine andere:

Warum stehen eigentlich 82 Million Menschen unter Generalverdacht? Und was hat das bitte mit Demokratie zu tun?

Wie lässt sich dieser Apparat sonst anpassen? Welche Schlagwörter werden verwendet, um andere Sachen über uns herauszufinden? Unsere politische Meinung? Sexuelle Vorzüge? Konsumverhalten? Musikgeschmack?

Wollen wir eigentlich ein Apparat haben, der den Behörden mit Hilfe eines Knopfdrucks ALLES über uns erzählen kann und wird? Alles im Namen der Terrorbekämpfung natürlich.

Ein Apprat, der (bzgl. Kriminalitätsbekämpfung) bewiesen nicht funktioniert. Und ein Terror, den es in Deutschland gar nicht gibt.

Ich schlage vor: jede Email mit “MfG Bombe, Atom, Bundestag” zu unterschreiben. Mal sehen was unsere Behörden mit 200 Million anstatt 100,000 täglichen Mails anfangen könnten.
Weil wenn 2012 eigentlich 1984 ist, dann mal richtig.

Looking the Chinese Censorship in the Eyes

(Former title: 9/11 and the Chinese Censorship)

It was a warm summer night in a city in southern Mainland China.

I was sitting at a bar, reading a book, enjoying a cup of local tea, and joking around with the barkeeper.

Earlier that day… I was reading some news online, which was mostly covering the 10 years anniversary for the 9/11 terror attack on the twin towers in New York. Because I usually consume German and Hebrew-speaking news sources before turning to English ones, it was very tempting to do a little test of my own for the Chinese censorship and look at what of the English-speaking arena is accessible in China. I must admit I didn’t notice much difference, maybe I thought I did because I expected to, maybe because the Chinese censor has more urgent matters to filter then a 10 y/o terror attack on its love-hate mistress (a.k.a the United States), or maybe my Chinese is just not good enough to notice the absence of the issue from the Chinese speaking cyberspace.

Back to the bar: various kinds of videos were playing on the big screen above the bar that evening (music videos, interviews, and some of those cat videos you likely to find on youtube) and the barkeeper, who spoke an exceptionally good English, and me grew fond of each other, joked around, shared some drinks, and hoaxed some other guests.

At some point a 9/11 video started playing on the big screen and I recognized the images as part of the ones that were released that day for the first time, as part of the 10th anniversary to the event.

Considering the mixture of the videos that evening, it was quite an exceptional sight. I knew that the videos are running from the laptop behind the bar, so that someone had to download them first, it was no random choice of some online service. The next thing I know, I hear myself asking the barkeeper how they got this video.

She didn’t really understand what I meant and explained that the videos are running from the hard drive, so that the Internet connection won’t be overloaded. As I tried to explain myself, I got a partial answer to my question – she just didn’t know what I was talking about because the content of the video was foreign to her. So I told her about the 9/11.

Maybe

it’s because it happened 10 years ago, maybe because she just doesn’t consume much news, maybe she has other news-topics that interest her. But from her fascination as I told her the story and showed her some pictures on my computer I understood that it isn’t one of the explanations I just mentioned.

So what is it than? How come an almost-perfect-English-speaker never heard of the 9/11 but a newly released video of it is running in her bar?

So I asked. I told her I was wondering if it is easy to access such news or videos there, or if it’s censored. Now she got it.

She tried to explain, mentioned the earth-quacks in Sichuan province a month ago to give another example, started to say something about the news coverage, and then stopped.

Silence.

The same perky girl that just up until now looked at me in the eyes and smiled, was looking down, confused, eyes trying to focus without success, I could literally see a million thoughts running through her head, but she just lost all words.

She looked back up and asked to change the subject; she doesn’t want to talk about it. Of course I understood, apologized from the bottom of my heart and told her we can completely forget about this conversation.

But I will never forget it.

With perfect timing, my meal came. I never ate so slowly in my life, my head was just someplace else. Later, as she was walking around with her charming smile and shining eyes, I apologized again, she again told me it’s no problem, and I hope it really isn’t.

The next morning

I continued my trip, so that I never got to meet her again but this encounter kept me disturbed for days afterwards. It is impossible to put into words, but once I saw the sudden change in this lively girl, once I saw those eyes, I got a sneak peek of what it is like.

It has been several years since I started working on subjects such as freedom of expression, censorship etc. And believe me – one can know a lot. But now I also felt it. And it’s different.

It wasn’t a life changing experience; it was more of a reassuring one. I won’t deny feeling somewhat helpless, and I don’t fantasize about me changing the world.

But it won’t stop me from keep trying. Not after looking into those eyes.

(Tro)German Horse

I’m a terrorist. Du bist es auch. But there must be another reason, why our governments are keen to spy on us.

In early October 2011 the Chaos Computer Club (CCC) declared to have hacked a Trojan Horse (1, 2), designed by the German government in order to spy on its citizens. Moreover, the Trojan is so poorly designed that it enables third parties other than the designers (and I leave you to figure out who those actors could be) to access and take over infected computers.

This fact makes me wonder what is it that makes governments of democratic countries with alleged free speech and right for personal privacy to spy on their own citizens.

What do terrorists, slave-traders, and drug dealers have in common?

The official explanation we usually get is the war on terror. This is an especially hard battle in Germany; a land, which suffered no international terror attacks in its history.

So you and I are terrorists. We are not slave-traders, although Germany is a central hub of worldwide human trafficking (1, 2). We are neither drug dealers, although Germany is an important transit point and financial center of drug cartels. We are terrorists, where there’s no terror.

But it’s easier to join the world trend of war on terror instead of using some reasonable explanations in order to break your citizens’ declared rights (free speech, privacy, assembly, and other minor things that happen to constitute a democracy). By doing so you are also able to regulate the integration of minorities and wake an overall criminalization of certain groups to serve your political needs. Doing politics is doing fashion and the war on terror is the new black.

Ok, enough with sarcasm, there must be something else.

Threatening democracy, with democracy

Every first-year social and political sciences student can repeat the mantra of ‘no state wants smart citizens’. But it’s not about having dumb ones; no state will want that also. It’s about controlling their ‘smartness’.

It’s not about suppression, it’s about control. And let me explain what I mean.

Different methods (let’s say information-politics) enable states to have a certain amount of control over their citizens’ intellect. Clear forms of those methods are censorship or government transparency. But without official censorship (which is a form of suppression), governments need to use other means of control; school curricula and distribution of resources in the education system are two examples. Cutting resources for humanities and investing more in natural and applied sciences in the academy (a worldwide trend nowadays) serve several goals in the matter of controlling the citizens’ ‘smartness’: (1) compatibly with the capitalist market, it nurtures an intellect that produces measurable profit (in form of scientific discoveries, leading to the production new products and patents) and (2) it limits the “production” of aware, questioning, analytical and critical citizens, a known effect of humanities and the worst nightmare of every politician.

But something has happened. Something, which made states worry about their control.

And then came WWW

Technological means (of communication and transportation) fulfill very important social functions. They aid people to exchange information, come together, and eventually cooperate. Retrospectively, older technologies also used to put barriers on these functions – their limitations made communication slow and expensive, so that their social functions were also limited and depended on access to resources.

With those limitations, governments didn’t really need to worry about their citizens being ‘smart’ or even collaborating. Furthermore, with a few simple mechanisms that control the flow of information, such as copyrights and subtle but calculated control over / use of mass media, maintaining the status quo was quite simple.

But there was a fundamental change over the last decade. The Internet introduced quick, effective, and (most importantly) cheap ways of communicating and collaborating. A new model of communication was added to the old one-to-many (books, TV/radio broadcast etc.) and one-to-one (telephone, written correspondences etc.) models, namely many-to-many (forums, mailing lists, or their amphetaminized versions Twitter and Facebook).

Furthermore, people can easily find others like them online, exchange information and collaborate with almost no effort or resources. And that applies to everyone, from all ends of the political, social, and economical spectrum. Now, imagine what this can do to the government’s precious status quo.

It’s like comparing a printed encyclopedia with Wikipedia. The former has “professionals” and “experts” (which were used to exert their control over knowledge and its legitimization) on the one side and passive consumers on the other. Wikipedia, on the other hand, removes old barriers and enables thousands of everyday people to join forces and share information and knowledge. At the bottom line, which of both is the most up-to-date and contains an unbelievable amount of knowledge?

Now, imagine those capabilities in the hands of so many citizens, which previously wouldn’t have a chance of finding each other, let alone communicate and cooperate. “Power to the people” just got a whole new meaning.

So why should governments care about that?

I’m not trying to develop any conspiracy theory. It is just a very basic need of a state to have control over its citizens. Be it through biopolitics (to name an equivalent example from another field of state control over the individual) or be it through infopolitics.

People constantly exchange tremendous amounts of information online, which are incommensurable with older technologies. For governments, just as for parents of teenagers – not having control over the information their children (i.e. citizens) exchange and being exposed to can drive them crazy.

As the tools and capabilities of communication develop, so do the control mechanisms. They become more sophisticated and more intrusive. But they also prove to us that our governments will tolerate free speech only to a certain extent. And when the natural limitation of technology and economy can’t regulate free speech anymore, other mechanisms will.

And when you can’t suppress, you control.

Authoritarian regimes, such as China and Iran, are doing both. Democratic states however, can only (try to) control using various means.

(Tro)German Horse

I can’t know for sure why my government would like to spy on me.

I know for a fact, that it is not because I’m a terrorist.

I assume though, it has to do with my government:

  1. being worried about that precious status quo.
  2. becoming more and more obsessed with control over citizens, as new information and communication technologies tend to destabilize that control.
  3. playing into the hands of actors, with interests that extend far beyond democracy, personal freedom and other irrelevant issues. Such as copyrights-lobbyists (to name one example).

heilTunes

After Apple removing Nazi music from iTunes, I’ve decide to put my own liberalism to the test and try and solve my inner conflict with the case: to which extent should I support freedom of opinion and freedom of expression, when the opinion goes against the mere existence of me as a person, my family and many of my friends; and its expression, which is being done through the most divine of arts – music.

Between the devil and the deep blue sea… an apple

Before doing so, some background information is needed in order to understand the situation Apple found itself in. Regarding freedom of opinion and freedom of expression, there are two cultural spaces, where those play a major role and which embody a different approach towards them – USA and Europe. They are of course not the only ones, but as two hegemonic cultures and the ones that are involve in this case, I will address them.

In the US, freedom of expression is seen as a value of overriding importance. It means that when it comes to issues of privacy or propaganda (just to name a few) vs. freedom of expression, freedom of expression will usually win.

In European countries on the other hand, as much as freedom of expression is important, other issues (such as privacy or restraining propaganda) are often seen as more crucial for society and individuals, and therefore have the upper hand in many conflicts.

It is now clear that Apple, as a US based company, which localizes its services and offers them in other countries, has found itself between a rock and a hard place. But Apple is not the first and certainly not the last to find itself in a similar situation.

Distinction of controversial material

That being said, I needed a distinction of what can be called ‘Nazi music’ and which kinds of it are legitimate to be offered as a (information-)product for the consumer (let’s say, an iTunes user).

To do this, I distinguished between three levels, which can make a musical piece being called ‘Nazi music’:

[1] Creator level – a creator, which is known to be holding this certain political opinion.

In this case my position is very clear, the artist has the right to hold his political opinions and express them. As long as those are not being embodied in his or her music, any denial to distribute it (=censor it) is an unethical and illegitimate sanction, which although indirectly, violate his or her freedom of opinion and expression.

[2] Symbolic level – symbols such as a Swastika on the cover or Musical elements, which are identified with National-Socialism, appear in the piece.

With symbols the situation gets more complicated. The use of symbols in art doesn’t always mean to praise what they stand for, they can also be used as critic and even degradation, or in some cases contain a whole new and different meaning.

Therefore, when a controversial symbol is the issue, one should carefully take a look at the context in which it appears, come into dialog with the artist when needed and possibly add some supplementary information to avoid any doubt.

A rush judgment or automated procedures (for example an algorithm, which deletes any content with Swastikas) may be an economical solution for big vendors, who have to go through large quantities of content on a daily basis. However, automated filtering may be contra-productive not just in terms of freedom of opinion or expression, but also may cause an opposite result by, for example, deleting content which criticize national-socialism while using some of its elements.

[3a] Content level – implied messages in the piece (lyrics).

Art is full of implied messages; in some cases it is all about those messages (take the Beatles for example), but what happens if they contain propaganda or other controversial material?

Here again a room for discussion should be opened: What part of the public recognizes it as propaganda, and why? Exactly what message is implied? Are there other interpretations? What is the artist’s official position to those interpretations? What relation does this piece have to other works (of the artist self and of other)?

[3b] Content level – explicit messages in the piece.

Also when the messages are explicit, the discussion is not to be avoided. Important issues are to be addressed, such as: What messages are being transferred and who do they address (e.g. social, gender or racial groups)? If and to what extent do they cross the fine line between freedom of expression and intolerable propaganda?

In both [3a] and [3b] other aspects are also to be taken into consideration such as: the social and legal frame in which the piece appears (e.g. a German, US or Chinese shop), the target audience and other audiences that could be exposed to it (minors or specific social groups).

In both cases, a rush decision of censorship due to “offensiveness” is often a quick and even economical solution, but much less productive than a public debate.

Conclusions

In the broader sense, I believe that this distinction is applicable for many other issues besides music. Also in literature, cinema, visual art, fashion and many more, controversial material such as propaganda, racism and sexism can find expression. But there are many ways to fight it without censoring it (and thus violating the creator’s and consumer’s freedom of opinion and expression). A productive dialog, offering contradicting pieces (for example a music piece or a play, which fight prejudice instead of reproducing it) and an organized boycott or demonstration are some examples of what society can do. But an official censorship is not the tool.

Intermediates (like iTunes or Youtube) often find themselves in difficult situations: cultural differences (as noted above), users distributing/consuming controversial contents and other users refusing to tolerate it, different legal frameworks (as in cases of copyrights) etc.

For those intermediates it is not a matter of supporting freedom of opinion and expression, it’s business. There are economical repercussions for having to screen content. And, if screening takes place, will it be human personnel (and who?!) or by an automated process, or leave it to the users to report problematic content. But it is also an economical consideration, how their public image is to be affected and what implication this could have on their business (for example users moving to a competitor).

And surprisingly enough, a public image of supporting freedom of opinion and expression at all costs is not always the best one for business because not taking measures against something, also in the name of neutrality and freedom of expression, is often misinterpreted as supporting the content.

The Horst Wessel Song

And back to our current matter: the piece ‘Horst-Wessel-Lied’ was the anthem of the Nazi Party between 1930-45, between 1933-45 the Nazis made it a co-national anthem of Germany, its lyrics contain explicit National-Socialist messages and it is illegal in Germany and Austria (except for educational purposes). Therefore, it complies with all of the above described levels and has also an illegal characteristic within Germany and Austria.

Regarding these facts and the delicacy that this content has in the German society I certainly do support the removal of this particular song from iTunes, but in the same breath I will emphasize that my opinion pertains to this song alone. Other ‘Nazi’ content should be examined in its specific context.

I will conclude with a wise saying, often incorrectly associated with Voltaire (François-Marie Arouet) but actually written by Evelyn Beatrice Hall:

“I disapprove of what you say, but I will defend to the death your right to say it.”

WikiLeaks’ Legitimacy in Terms of Information Ethics

The main issue that interests me about WikiLeaks’ work in general and the Cablegate leak in particular is its legitimacy in terms of information ethics.

As many of my previous blog posts show, information ethics is a field with many aspects, which are often positioned very differently between cultural spaces or due to personal point of view and/or interests. It will be quite hard to bring them all together when tackling this issue, but I will try to address the ones that I see most relevant.

To my point of view, WikiLeaks doesn’t operate in the name of freedom of expression. It is more that freedom of expression gives a certain amount of legitimacy to WikiLeaks’ work. WikiLeaks has a clear stated position saying that their “primary interest is in exposing oppressive regimes in Asia, the former Soviet bloc, Sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East, but we also expect to be of assistance to people of all regions who wish to reveal unethical behavior in their governments and corporations.” (WikiLeaks:About).

WikiLeaks (and I mean the team standing behind this organization) expresses its position by exposing unethical conduct of governments, especially when those are trying to quiet these actions down. People and organizations, which did exactly the same thing while risking their lives in different sorts of regimes and contexts throughout history, were hunted down and severely punished in case they were caught, but they are considered heroes today.

Think about it when you hear about the witch hunt of WikiLeaks activists like Julian Assange.

I see Government transparency as highly important when it comes to information ethics in terms of politics. Activists or whistle blowing organizations like WikiLeaks are actually a vital instrument when it comes to Government transparency and democracy. Having actors, who are steadily observing government activity, criticizing it and exposing flawed conduct to the public, is one of the most important control mechanisms for a democracy. But WikiLeaks differ from the traditional role player, the media, in two ways:

  1. WikiLeaks is not bound to any government control (due to national security for example) or hardly to any law frame. It uses a very sophisticated encryption of its communication and operates from countries, where its operation is within the restrictions of the law (mostly Sweden, which is highly liberal regarding freedom of the press). This fact makes WikiLeaks capable of exposing a lot more information.
  2. WikiLeaks is a non-profit organization that operates first of all out of principles (which I cited above). The media’s first goal is financial profit; social justice comes at the second place (best case scenario). It means that the media have financial considerations, which influence its decisions whether to publish something, when and into which extent. WikiLeaks just puts it all out there and lets us choose what is relevant and build our opinion to it. The Cablegate leak is a clear example – those documents contain various information of inappropriate governmental conduct on an international level, but all the media is talking about is this tabloid-level government gossip.

BUT there is a fine line between government transparency and the certain amount of secrecy, which is essential for diplomatic contacts (one of many articles/essays to this issue by Clay Shirky). So some of the information exposed by WikiLeaks in the Cablegate leak probably crosses this line, but I will still argue that it doesn’t make the leak unethical.

In days of over-censorship and cover-up as everyday government practices, the public is being constantly denied of information, which is in its own interest. After all, the public elects its governments and governments work for their public. Shocks from the kind that WikiLeaks produces appear to be the only way to control governments and their conduct.

I believe that the major success of the Cablegate leak could be an increased government transparency by governments around the world (and not just the US). Who knows, maybe they’ll also start conducting more morally.

I hope it won’t be used as an excuse to limit our alleged freedom of speech, the freedom of the press, or who knows, maybe to start censoring the internet also in western parts of the world (more to the new methods of censorship used in the WikiLeaks case soon on this blog).

And finally, when looking at the top 10 of the Cablegate revelations, one needs only to use some common sense in order to realize that the leak is ethical; the leak does reveal unethical conduct of several governments; and although some of the diplomatic information revealed maybe should have been kept secret for a certain period of time, this information does not differ WikiLeaks from any other news-agency, who would have found out about it sooner or later and reveal it.

National Security is an issue that usually has the top hand when it collides with ethical issues like human rights, privacy or freedom of expression. Sometimes it’s just a good excuse when they’re being violated.

Until now, although the US government made repeatedly those accusations, there was no proof of any leak to be a real threat to national security and/or the security of individuals, which are mentioned in those documents (mostly in other countries, like in the War Diaries case). Primarily because those documents were produced several years prior to their exposure.

Furthermore, prior to the Cablegate leak, WikiLeaks contacted the US Embassy in the UK in an attempt to prevent publication of information that might put individuals in risk.

Any cooperation? Yeah, Right!

So making those accusations retrospectively will be far fetched. Accusing WikiLeaks of damaging the US relations with some other countries? Well, just look at the documents if you want to know who’s really to blame.

** This post is a part of the Drawer2.0 alternative coverage of the WikiLeaks case: What the media doesn’t tell you and which issues are really at stake. Click here to read more.

You have the right to remain silent

According to FAIFE, statistics on ONI and others, every fourth person on the planet lives under censorship. This means that 1,717,275,000 out of 6,869,100,000 (estimation taken from Wikipedia, 17. September 2010) people do not have the freedom to express themselves, to build their own opinion in matters concerning them or other matters, or to have a free and equal access to information (which is not manipulated or first chosen suitable by others). Due to the interdependency between all of these elements, I will continue and use the term free speech to address them as a single unit.

When including surveillance, which takes place even in many countries in which free speech is being protected by constitution or law and no (official) censorship is being done (like the US and the European Union… did someone say “the free world”?), almost each and every world citizen is being controlled. And just to make things clear – I do see surveillance as a sort of censorship or control mechanism that affects ones handling of information and therefore a violation of free speech, but this is a subject for another essay.

At this point I also won’t address the global digital divide and the fact that citizens of many countries just don’t have the infrastructure or financial possibility to access much information in the first place.

Those facts make me wonder about the term HUMAN RIGHT being used often in the context of free speech and the term PRIVILEGE, which has an interesting relation to rights.

Yeah, Right.

The main problem with rights is that for them to take hold, they need not only to be declared, but also anchored within an enforced codex, like a constitution, law or other kinds of regulations.

Many declarations of rights already exist, like the UDHR (Universal Declaration of Human Rights), but they also have their Achilles’ heel – the “Should” principle. There are too many “shoulds” and “shalls” within those declarations. Each society (-> country -> government) can adapt those rights how it sees fit.

There are many cultural, historical and social differences between countries and it is clear that the UDHR (for example) is a strict western perspective. And let’s face it, the west needed two world wars, to colonize and then de-colonize almost the entire world and at least one big economic crisis (and that’s just in the late 19th and 20th century) to get to human rights. So expecting the rest of the world’s cultures to apply all those “shoulds” and “shalls” is not exactly practical.

Just look at the clashes between the US perspective, who view freedom of speech as utmost important (the 1st amendment), and the perspective more common in European countries, for them there is nothing more important than privacy, even at cost of free speech. Those clashes occur more and more frequently in the age of Web2.0, where the boarders between free speech and protection of privacy are becoming blurred and the geographical boarders, which used to separate between cultures, don’t play a role in exchange of information anymore, because it is done in the all-embracing cyberspace.

So if our “free” worlds can’t agree on minor issues like explicit videos posted on youtube, facebook’s privacy policy or Google search results, I’m hardly surprised when cultures that are considerably different from the western ones, don’t line up so easily with some things that really matter. Human rights for example.

What is a privilege?

Wikipedia says: “[…]In a broader sense, “privilege” can refer to special powers or de facto immunities held as a consequence of political power or wealth. Privilege of this sort may be transmitted by birth into a privileged class or achieved through individual actions.” (1. October 2010).

So we’ve got one major difference already – Rights are de jure and privileges are de facto.

But I like Peter Li’ir Key’s definition a lot more (please do take the time to read it; it’s not one of those feel-free-to-ignore-me links). There a few parts of this notion to privileges, which can be extremely relevant in the context of free speech:

  • it is privilege that creates its corresponding oppression, and then there is a feedback loop.
  • privilege (and it’s corresponding oppression) are not marked by intention, they are marked by effect.
  • partaking in your privilege is to participate in the corresponding oppression.
  • there is no escape from your privilege.
  • privilege is marked by absences.
  • having privilege is rarely an intentional or conscious act.

Try repeating those sentences out loud, using “freedom of speech” instead of “privilege” and “censorship” instead of “oppression”.

I will add that having a right someone else doesn’t, is a privilege.

Free Privileged Speech

To sum up my argument, I believe that free speech is a privileged speech. It shouldn’t be and it doesn’t have to be, but currently it is.

This means that ¾ of the people in the world have the privilege to express themselves, the privilege to build their own opinion in matters concerning them or other matters, the privilege to have a free and equal access to information (which is not manipulated or first chosen suitable by others).

The dimensions of privileges like free speech or free and equal access to information are becoming clear when considering how they are being embodied later on:

It’s economical – the more access to information you have, the more you can nurture your education, choose yourself a profession, expose yourself to markets beyond the ones physically near you etc.

It’s personal – you can develop yourself as a person, read and enrich your knowledge and mind with the information that interest you (music, books, movies and so on).

It’s spiritual – you can choose your world view, life philosophy, and even religion. Furthermore, you can choose not to have any or decide for yourself how to comprehend and practice your belief (and that’s an informational emancipation that could only be dreamt about until the 20th century).

It’s political and democratic – you can build your own political opinion from a variety of (politically) independent sources and discuss it at any time, oppose your government, demonstrate and take part in changes.

It’s social – you can openly communicate, share your thought and opinions, whatever they are, with your friends, family, and complete strangers. Or do it discreetly without having concern about being followed or watched.

Many of us enjoy those privileges and see them as their basic rights. Many of us don’t.

Think about it the next time you express yourself.

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